The Hindu : NATIONAL / NEW DELHI : “Bol Jamoore…..”

The Hindu : NATIONAL / NEW DELHI : “Bol Jamoore…..”

Oppose Market Oriented Reforms in Higher Education

Oppose Market Oriented Reforms in Higher Education

Organize Nation-wide Decentralized Protest

Against the higher education Bills in the Parliament

Dear Friends

The UPA Government implemented the ‘Right To Education Act’ from 1^st April 2010. The result, as everybody can see, has been the weakening of public education system and big hikes in fees in private sector. The Common School System or democratic curricular objectives have had no place in our education system either before or after the implementation of the Act. However, MHRD minister Kapil Sibal is now carrying out a program for restructuring the entire education system. Having destroyed the school system, he has now initiated market reforms in higher education.  A series of Bills related to higher education are before the parliament and maybe passed in the budget session this year which my start on 12^th of March. If enacted, these bills will make higher education an unprotected prey for both domestic and foreign corporations. The academic consequences of such `reforms’ will be catastrophic. The privately-borne high cost of education will put a premium on disciplines and courses that are directly linked to the demands of domestic and foreign markets that currently generate some jobs and the biggest salaries for few. Fundamental research both in social and natural sciences and pro-people research and democratic syllabi will suffer an inevitable decline. As a consequence, the critical and transformational purpose of institutions of higher education will recede into the background, as they are rapidly turned into `providers’ of a commodity called `knowledge’.

New Bills: The foreign educational institutions (entry and regulation) Bill, opens flood gates for foreign trade in education sector. The Educational Tribunal Bill system seeks to establish a draconian grievance redressal system in conditions in which unionization and collective action, and even recourse to the courts, would be denied to all sections of the university community.  The Abolition of Unfair Practices Bill defines only those exorbitant demands for fees that have not been announced at the time of admissions as constituting `unfair practice’ and thus legitimizes the rest of all unfair practices!

The Bill to set up an Accreditation Authority has the declared objective of maintenance of quality. Yet its main purpose is not academic; it functions as an aid to students to decide where they should `invest’ to get the best `returns’ from the system. In an educational environment as historically, regionally and socially diverse and unequal as contemporary India, it would seriously compromise those courses and institutions that would in fact merit the most support. The said accreditation authority gives licenses to private and public accreditation agencies reducing National Accreditation Council of India to become one among the countless. In the new regime, if established, private agencies will give accreditation to private and public Universities.   

A ‘National Council for Higher Education and Research’, is proposed to be established through “Higher Education and Research Bill” as the ` single-window’ entry point, so favored by corporate capital, to replace bodies like the UGC, MCI, AICTE, NCTE which regulate diverse academic streams. Now these are seen as hurdles in the onward march of trade in education. The important point to be noted here is that the World Bank suggests to and the World Trade Organization imposes on their member countries to set up a single and ‘independent’ regulatory authority in every service sector. These independent regulatory authorities will be independent of democratic pressure from people and regulate trade in favor of corporate houses. Again, the proposed ‘Universities for Innovation Bill’, even its revised version, empowers the central government to establish new or ‘elevate’ the existing universities and go for collaboration with foreign universities on trade lines bypassing all existing norms including reservations, procedures of appointment of teachers and admission of students with the only condition that they enroll 50% students from within the country. These universities will bypass all other rules of recognition. Another proposed Bill would legislate on the regulations for Public Private Partnership - a euphemism for siphoning public funds to private agencies.

Since the 1990’s it has become very well-known that ‘reform’ in any sector only means privatization, globalization and liberalization of trade regulations.  The current agenda of Kapil Sibal is to bring these ‘reforms’ into the education system and convert it into a market for domestic and foreign capital. That is why the singular purpose behind all the higher education bills is to bypass regulation by the legislative, judicial and executive systems and clear the path for unrestrained trade in education.

The crisis in the educational system, its institutions weakened over time due to corrupt practices under the pressure of profit oriented private institutions on the one hand, and a failure to invest public funds in a sustained manner, on the other, contributed largely to dereliction of duties at different levels. What is required at this stage to bring about genuine reform is to ban trade in education on one hand and decentralize and democratize regulatory bodies on the other. Again, the expansion of the system (only about 12% of young people in the relevant age group are in higher education institutions) and ensuring greater access to students from marginalized and weaker sections of society must form the basis for improving and reforming higher education. However, the Kapil Sibal guided reform process is going in the opposite direction.

Commercialization of education and concentration of regulatory powers are aimed at restricting entry into this sector only for the wealthy elite and with the onset of global trade in education, the Indian education system will lose whatever democratic nature it has been able to retain till date. Public Private Partnership will result in dissolution of public institutions and establishment of a few elite institutions and many `teaching shops’ in the private sector. Public money will be siphoned off to private agencies while the poor and disadvantaged will have to pay for poor quality degrees.

The NDA government had already ‘offered’ the higher education sector as a tradable commodity to be regulated by World Trade Organization. The UPA is continuing the ‘offer’. In fact, the current Bills are aimed at putting in place the legal structure that would facilitate implementation of the regulations of the WTO. If the offer is not withdrawn before the completion of the Doha Round of trade negotiations, Indian higher education would be governed, in perpetuity, by multinational   trade regulations. This would pose a grave threat to academic independence and national sovereignty.

It is high time for students, teachers, educationalists organizations and activists and for all people to stand against commercialization of education and wage a determined struggle for common school system and public funded education from KG to PG. It is time for all to struggle for a truly democratic education system that excludes inequalities and includes diversities, an education system that liberates individual creativity and strengthens society to stand against any threat internal or external to the democratic rights and freedoms of the people. Let us all unite and resist higher education bills. Make success the all India protest day on 16^th of February, 2012

With Compliments from

All India Forum for Right to Education

306, Pleasant Apartments, Bazarghat, Hyderabad -4,

Ph: 04023305266, E-mail: aifrte.secretariat@gmail.com …………………………………………………..……….……..……………………………………………………………………………………………

Presidium, All India Forum For Right To Education ::  Prof. Mehar Engineer (Chairperson), Ms. Madhu Prasad, Prof. Anil Sadgopal, Prof. Wasi Ahmed, Prof. Haragopal, Sri Kedarnath Pandey, Sri Prabhakar Arade, Sri Sunil

………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

……………………………………………Name and address of the local Organization………………………………………………

Taking computing off the grid: OLPC XO 3.0 showcased in CES, Las Veg

Source: Arkitect India: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/arkitectindia/message/12392

Dear Shankar, Satish, Amitabh, Friends,

OK as moderator of IHRO, here's the clarification.

I saw Satish's response to Amitabh Patra's posting, which is downright condemnable.

When I quoted Oxford review, it was meant to draw the attention of readers and members to the importance of equipping our farmers to manage small farms, and most of them [93 million SMFs have 0.6 hectare holding on average]. The main point of the Oxford review is that industrial farming is not geared towards feeding people, it is about wealth creation; feeding people is different from wealth creation. Perhaps Satish missed the point and needlessly pounced on Amitabh.

Now Satish: It is true that information technology [NOT COMPUTERS OR LAP TOPS, OR LAP DOGS] will disseminate the information required by our farmers. IT and laptops can facilitate information flow but it is beyond the means of our SMFs who barely eat one meal a day.....BUT THEY FEED THREE TO FOUR MEALS EVERY DAY TO US EDUCATED FOLKS. Especially to the urban Indians. I am saying this with full understanding of the role of science in society, especially its role in empowering the poor. When science is prostituted, made to do a bare-all belly dance, don't even talk about empowring and liberating role of science.

AND THE HANDS THAT FEED US ARE SYSTEMATICALLY BEING HACKED. The death by suicide of farmers and the widespread malnutrition of infants, children, adolescent boys and girls and women, is violative of the following national laws, and these are Constitutionally Guranteed. Below are the relevant sections, Supreme Court's interpretation and India's international obligations in law. READ THESE RULES VERY CAREFULLY BECAUSE THERE IS DEEPER MEANING TO WHAT WAS ORIGINALLY FRAMED BY OUR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY MEMBERS.

Article 47 of the Constitution states that it is the “Duty of the State to raise the level of nutrition and the standard of living and to improve public health. The State shall regard the raising of the level of nutrition and the standard of living of its people and the improvement of public health as among its primary duties…..” Article 39(a) says “that the citizens, men and women equally, have the right to an adequate means to livelihood;” Article 39(e) says “that the health and strength of workers, men and women, and the tender age of children are not abused and that citizens are not forced by economic necessity to enter avocations unsuited to their age or strength and 39(f) that children are given opportunities and facilities to develop in a healthy manner and in conditions of freedom and dignity and that childhood and youth are protected against exploitation and against moral and material abandonment.

Provisions of Articles 47 and 39 are part of the Directive Principles of the State Policy. However, if the provisions are interpreted in the light of Article 21 that guarantees a fundamental right to life and personal liberty, the provisions of 39 and 47 become enforceable fundamental rights by virtue of the constitutional remedy provided under Article 32. That is the legal position taken by the Supreme Court in dealing with a PIL in the matter of food and nutrition security, given the alarming number of malnourished people and many dying of hunger despite PDS, MDM, ICDS, SGRY and other programs. Therefore, any attempt to redefine priority groups would be violation of a major Constitutional protection unless there is a sound socio-economic justification.

International obligations: Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1949) recognizes the right of everyone to adequate food; India is a signatory. At the World Food Summit in 1996 the Government of India affirmed “the right of everyone to have access to safe and nutritious food, consistent with the right to adequate food and the fundamental right of everyone to be free from hunger” and the Government acknowledged that “it is necessary to consolidate, strengthen and expand the present system of entitlements.

Article 11 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966) and the General Comment 12 of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights further elaborate the responsibilities of all State Parties to recognize the right of everyone to be free from hunger. Further responsibilities in this regard, particularly with reference to children and women, derive from the Convention of the Rights of the Child (Articles 27.1 and 27.3) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (Article 12).

MDGs:  The relevant goals are 1, 4, 4a, and 7a-d to be achieved by 2015. Goal 1 deals with reducing extreme poverty and hunger, Goal 4 seeks to reduce child mortality, and 7a to 7d deal with ensuring environmental sustainability including reversing the decline in ecological services, prevent biodiversity loss, improve access to safe drinking water and sanitation and improve the QoL of slum dwellers. 

On all counts the situation is bad and the trends show abysmal implementation. Recent reports actually accept that hunger has ‘spiked’…even in the USA where 11% of poor households in the US had difficulty at some time during the year providing enough food for all their members due to a lack of money and other resources.

Our researches show that district and block level administration and the majority of the ULBs don’t even know about MDGs. 

Please note that ONE-LAPTOP-PER-CHILD has not been discussed in the UN General Assembly, nor in the Indian Parliament, nor in the Supreme Court.

But what has been discussed, debated and resolved to eliminate is the human rights violations taking place right here in India and that is a crime we see on a daily basis. It is the right of every member to inform the forum which rights' violations took place.

Kind regards

Arun Shrivastava

Food and Dignity

Food and Dignity

By Harsh Mander

A major life-need for urban homeless and migrant populations is of nutritious wholesome and affordable meals. But sizeable numbers among them have no home or opportunities to cook. Instead they spend around anything between a third and three quarters of what they earn each day – by picking rags, pulling rickshaws, casual daily wage work, vending or begging  - on food bought from carts or wayside eateries. This tends to be poor in nutrition and hygiene.

Soup kitchens are integral to the urban landscape in many modern cities in other parts of the world. Yet except Tamil Nadu, no government runs large programmes for free or subsidised adult feeding. Such food would make destitute and migrant working populations healthier, and enable them to save money to fight their impoverishment. One reason why states do not invest public resources on subsidised meal programmes is the assumption that this life-need is being attended to by private, and mainly religious, charity. We therefore decided to investigate religious food charities in Delhi.

We found that only 4 per cent of homeless persons depend completely on these charities for food. These mainly are destitute homeless persons, disabled and elderly men and women, and younger street children, with no occupation or income except alms. Working able-bodied homeless persons also occasionally resort to charity food only as a last resort, at times of utter economic distress, when they completely exhaust any savings to arrange for food through other means.

Feeding the hungry is deeply valued in all Indian religious traditions – Hindu, Islamic, Christian and Sikh. But we found these traditions eroded, mutated or abandoned in shining 21^st century Delhi. We were surprised to find no destitute feeding centres run by churches in Delhi. Other religious establishment ran some feeding programmes, in small measure, but few catered to the real needs of the homeless, of a sustainable source of wholesome food, offered with dignity.

We were curious why such small numbers of homeless people depend on food charity, and prefer to spend their scarce resources on purchased food, or even to remain hungry. The first answer that they gave us was that the food is served sporadically, and is not the simple wholesome food that they seek or need. Charity forces persons to be dependent on the timing, menu and availability of food at religious places, determined by the wishes of the donors, rather than the needs of homeless people. Waiting uncertainly for charity food curtails work hours of labouring homeless persons; many of whom are casual job-seekers, for whom reaching the job market early in the morning is imperative for getting employment for the day.

Many Hindu temples serve food, but this is usually oily, sweet and served only on fixed days. (There are fine exceptions, like the Hare Krishna temples.) The ‘giver’ seeks divine merit, but is not interested in serving the receiver’s needs. Homeless populations develop an aversion toward this greasy sugary food. They crave instead - the old and disabled as much as working people - simple and easily digestible food.

But the most important reason why homeless people and single migrants reject food charities is that these routinely assault their dignity and self-hood. They are compelled to jostle with out- stretched cupped palms, and eat what they get squatting on a pavement or under a tree. Often they are forced to be pitted against each other in an effort to access the limited food that is served, and the old and infirm invariably fall by the wayside.

More dignified forms of charity we found in the Nizamuddin Dargah and the Sai Baba Temple. Here food tokens are purchased by donors from hotels, with a validity of a month, and distributed to the destitute. A person can later exchange these coupons when hungry and in need at the eatery, and is served food worth the cost of the coupon. Less dignified, in Jama Masjid, we found many people seeking food charity patiently seated on their haunches outside dhabas which line the mosque, waiting for persons who pay the dhaba owner for every person they wanted fed.

Traditionally, the most wholesome food served with greatest dignity has been in the langars in Sikh gurudwaras. People are seated together on mats laid out on the floor in single lines, and food is served in this dining space in unlimited quantities. The langar is at the heart of Sikh egalitarian teachings, in which an emperor and a beggar are mandated to be seated side by side and offered the same food, with the same respect.

However, we found that these egalitarian traditions abandoned in the capital’s main gurudwaras. Seesganj Gurudwara in Chandni Chowk, at the centre of the largest concentration of homeless people, actively bars the ‘dirty poor’ from entering the langar. Bangla Saheb, near Cannaught Place, also blocks them from entering the temple and eating at the main langar, but it has a separate langar for them at the rear, outside the temple precincts, serving the same food but without the same respect. We enquired from the managers about this departure from the core of Sikh teachings, and they justified it by claiming that the homeless defile the temple, because they smoke and drink.       

This investigation into religious food charities in Delhi became a fascinating journey, not just into the survival strategies of Delhi’s poorest, but the shrinking spaces in the hearts of India’s middle class.

4.5 Percent OBC Religious Minority Sub-quota: A Disservice To Secular Nationalism

 Source: Arkitect India: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/arkitectindia/message/12363

Ashok Yadav

01.  Overwhelming majority of population who have been discriminated against and oppressed on the basis of their caste identity since time immemorial and the history of bloody religious conflicts before, during and after independence in 1947 make social justice and secularism the two pillars on which the entire democratic structure of our country rests. In fact, social justice and secularism are twin concepts which can be separated from each other only by putting at risk the democratic polity. The action of communal forces to take out rath yatra after decision to implement Mandal commission recommendation by V P Singh government highlights hostility of communalism against social justice. The action of the then Bihar Chief Minister to arrest the rath yatri and resultant consolidation of his politics of social justice further highlights the interdependence of social justice and secularism and the support these two principles provide to our democratic polity.

02. Contrary to the elitist understanding of Mandal as divisionary, Mandal has been the greatest unifying factor post-Independence. After independence, nothing has contributed as much to strengthen national unity and integrity as Mandal. Mandal gave one name (OBC), one identity (OBC) and one universal consciousness (OBC), irrespective of religious, regional and linguistic differentiations, to fifty two percent population of India. The consolidation of Indian nationalism that the independence movement set in motion but was jolted by communal division of the country got an agent in Mandal to carry forward the unfinished task of nation building. Mandal gave fresh and powerful impetus to Indian nationalism.

03. Episodes relating to Shah Bano and Ram Mandir-Babri Mosque during 1984-89 provided wings to the forces whose conviction lay in communal nationalism. The communal nationalists made rapid progress in electoral terms and were inching towards capturing power single handedly. Mandal halted their rapid progress and forced the communal nationalists to forge national alliance with secular parties.

04. The historic role of Mandal in strengthening national unity and integrity and breaking the impulse of communal nationalists has been ignored even by the politicians and the scholars otherwise known as progressive and liberal. The strength of Mandal report lies in the fact that it did not make any separate list of OBC on the basis of their religious identity and, thus, set a standard for public policy. The reports of both first and second national backward class commissions (headed by Kaka Kalelkar and B P Mandal) have taken due care of the umbilical relation of social justice and secularism by not making any separate quota for OBC belonging to religious minority groups. What Mandal did was not new. In fact, Kaka Kalelkar, the Brahmin chairman of the first backward class commission and a veteran of freedom movement, had set the precedent for B P Mandal, an OBC.

05. What Mandal achieved for the OBC had already been conceded to the dalit by the British government under the force and pressure of Baba Saheb Bhim Rao Ambedkar led dalit awakening. This was made possible by preparation of a list of untouchable castes(called Scheduled Caste list). The pan India list of untouchable castes laid the foundation of nationwide dalit consciousness. The list that was prepared without any religious tag strengthened national feeling among untouchable castes in the Indian sub-continent.

06. However, soon after independence the united list of untouchable castes was fractured along religious lines and all non-Hindus were ejected out from the list. After some years a partial correction was made when Sikh dalits were taken back in the list. Decades later the V P Singh government at the centre brought back neo-Buddhist dalits in the SC list. But dalit Muslims and Christians are still outside the list and agitating for inclusion.

07. The then central government without learning any lesson from partition of the country did a great disservice to secular nationalism by making SC list Hindu only. Secular nationalism was the need of the hour for building of a new nation that had only three years ago 'awakened at midnight when the world slept' and 'had taken a pledge with destiny' amid holocaust on both sides of the communal divide. Secular nationalism more than anything else could have laid the foundation for a glorious destiny of India. By making the SC list an exclusionary one, destiny makers of India gave a communal start to the nation building.

08. Since 1950 the dalit Muslim and Christians have been battling for re-inclusion in the SC list. Even Mother Teresa came out in favor of restoring the original list. A number of state governments have sent sense of the legislative assembly in favor of the re-inclusion to the centre. The central government instead of rectifying the historical blunder by re-including the dalit Muslims and Christians in the SC list has again done a disservice to secular nationalism by dividing OBC quota on religious line.

09. The country had just come out of worst ever communal holocaust on both sides of the communal divide. The ejection of dalits belonging to minority religious groups reinforced the communal divide in our country. The two nation theory of Savarkar and Jinnah received official recognition in Independent India. This created a permanent rift among dalits of different religious communities. We have seen devastating results of this policy of the central government for the secular fabric of our country. In riots after riots the dalits and OBCs belonging to majority religious group targeted the dalits and OBCs of minority religious groups. This was observed most prominently in Gujarat in 2002. The united SC list could have brought dalits of all religious affiliations together and helped them during a course of period to overcome their religious antagonism. This would have rendered the communalist clueless as how to pitch Hindu dalits against their Muslim and Christian brothers and sisters.

10. The central government in the period not much after independence had got another opportunity to consolidate secular nationalism by implementing recommendations of Kaka Kalelkar First Backward Class Commission. Implementation of recommendations of first backward class commission could have brought backward castes of different religions together and prepared the ground of inter-religious brotherhood on secular basis. Un-fractured SC list in league with OBC list would have cured India permanently of the communal conflicts.

11. It is a matter of regret of enormous proportions for a nation in the making that whereas state governments barring a few implemented OBC reservation on the basis of the list that include backward castes of all religions and does not include separate quota for religious minorities, the central government not only resisted all attempts for implementation of recommendations of first and second backward class commissions for nearly four decades but after two decades of the implementation, has ruptured a secular list on religious lines. Whereas the central government should have played the role model for the states, it is the state governments who are holding mirror to the centre. Unity below at state levels but divisions at top at the centre level in the matter of OBC list with respect to religious identity of the castes in the list offsets any good work of state governments in the interest of secular nationalism.

12. Historically, reservation policy in India has set the agenda and contours of social-political mobilizations. No well meaning person with conviction in broad principles of our constitution can deny the role of reservation in deepening of democracy in India. The three fundamental principles viz. justice (social, political and economic), secularism and democracy of our republic, that also find echo in the preamble of our Constitution, have time and again been enriched by reservation policy. To reduce reservation policy to distribute jobs and seats among different caste-blocks that too with an eye on getting votes is to vulgarize the basic philosophy of reservation.

13. The configuration of caste lists has, in fact, configured caste coalitions. When Karpoori Thakur government in Bihar in 1978 gave separate reservation to most backward castes on the basis of recommendations of Mungeri Lal Commission report, this gave rise to MBC factor in politics. The assertion of MBC in OBC politics in Bihar began when they got separate reservation. In Bihar all OBC Muslims are included in MBC group. This not only ensured better representation of OBC Muslims in government jobs and education but also encouraged dialogue across the religious divide between OBCs, Muslims and Hindus. Even after emergence of MBC factor, the OBC Muslims (Pasmanda) remained marginalized in politics in Bihar. The threat of communal forces made the political environment more conducive to Muslim politics than pasmanda politics. However, after Mandal, when pasmanda movement took shape, the dialogue between Hindu and Muslim OBC acquired momentum and a new slogan- पिछड़ा-पिछड़ा एक समान, हिंदू हो या मुसलमान i.e. OBCs Are Alike, Hindu or Muslim- began to reverberate. The Bihar government in 2006 expanded reservation for MBC to Panchayati Raj and Local Bodies. This has resulted in election of hundreds of OBC Muslims as people's representatives from those seats reserved for MBC. This has further encouraged fraternity among the Hindu and the Muslim OBC on caste-class basis.

14. The 4.5 percent OBC minority sub-quota has many positive sides which must be acknowledged even while going against it in the ultimate analysis. The minority sub-quota is a befitting reply to the Muslim fundamentalists who have always frowned upon any talk of caste-divisions in Muslim society citing egalitarianism of Islam and has thus not allowed any social reform movement in Muslim society. Ignorance of caste divisions in Muslim society is so rampant that Hindu OBCs taking benefit of OBC quota were generally unaware that OBC Muslims are also part and parcel of the OBC list until the government announcement to promulgate 4.5 percent OBC minority sub-quota. The general ignorance among the Hindu about caste divisions in Muslim society has helped the communal outfits to spread the canard that unlike Hindus the Muslim are a united lot and that, therefore, the Hindu need to unite to counter the (so called) Muslim unity. Be it 1857 or 1947, the pasmanda Muslim have always held aloft the flag of Indian nationalism at great cost. The pasmanda in Bihar joined Triveni Sangh, the first ever OBC organization in Bihar in 1930s, along with their Hindu OBC brothers and opposed elite leadership of the Congress. However, when Mohammad Ali Jinnah espoused two-nation theory and the demand for Pakistan began to rock the national awakening, the Pasmanda overcame their caste-class antagonism against the Congress and on anti-Muslim League plank; they supported the Congress led by Gandhi and Nehru. They took out a big rally in Delhi against the demand of Pakistan. However, after partition, the ungrateful Congress blinded by caste-class prejudices ignored pasmanda and promoted those upper caste Muslims whose records of opposing Muslim League's two nation theory were abysmal. According to Late Ashfaq Hussain Ansari, the former Congress MP from Gorakhpur, out of total 7500 MPs from first to fourteenth Lok Sabha about four and half hundred MPs were Muslims and out of these only about fifty were OBC Muslims. They have got very little post-Independence. Despite their numerical predominance within the Muslim community they have remained at margin in politics, education, administration, economic, Muslim religious organisations etc. During the communal riots they suffer most. When social justice is discussed it means only Hindu OBC and dalits even though the Muslim OBC is part and parcel of the OBC list. In the wake of Mandal, the benefits of Mandal politics have not gone to the pasmanda. They have been crying from the roof top to force the people to take their cognizance. The 4.5 percent sub-quota for OBC minority is something that had never come to them. There is a feeling among them that through 4.5 percent separate quota they have for the first time got something from state and, more than that, have been recognized as a distinct social-political category. This of course is moral boosting for them. This feeling is very genuine and must be given due respect. It is also appreciable that they are not wasting their sentiments on this bounty as their reaction on the separate OBC sub-quota is guarded. They are examining what they stand to gain and lose and whether there is any trap in this as the timing of award is very inauspicious.

15. But all the benefits and logics in favor of the sub-quota is offset by the social-political implications of making public policy on the basis of religion. The role of religion in public sphere can be diminished only when public policy is progressively detached from religion. It is true that even among the OBC they have been discriminated against on the basis of their religious identity. The fear that this discrimination would increase if the OBC Muslims are treated separately is not unfounded. The majority as well as minority communalism is still very powerful in India. A public policy which is perceived as made to benefit the minority so as to get their votes gives an opportunity to the majority communalists to rake up the old bogey of Muslim appeasement which then is seized upon by Muslim fundamentalists for Muslim consolidation.

16. In the past we have seen that the saffron utilized Mandal more than the OBC based parties because the secular OBC politicians did not make any attempt on ideological plane to explain to the people that social justice detached from secularism is only a tool in the hand of people who are otherwise opposed to social justice. The saffron utilized the Mandal induced caste consciousness of the OBC people by projecting OBC leaders on the front. The communal polarization took place on the issue of Mandir and Masjid. It was not an issue very close to the OBC and dalits which therefore could not enthuse people after certain extent. Unlike Mandir-Masjid issue the issue of OBC reservation is very close to the OBC people. It is therefore not unlikely that the saffron may once again forefront the OBC leaders to incite the communal passions among the majority community OBC population. Even if the propaganda does not end up in a communal conflagration, it may check the process of coming together of backward castes of all religions and wedge a cleave between the two communities to further extent.

17. Some people opposed to 4.5 percent OBC Minorities quota are of the opinion that the Constitution of India does not have provision for religion based reservation. Words become ineffective when not matched by actions. Such groups or persons who hold that constitution does not allow religion based reservation could not oppose reservation to Muslim or minorities in South Indian states. They also did not agitate when Mandal-2 was implemented with rider that there would be no OBC reservation in educational institutions of minority status. By remaining silent on rights of OBC minorities the OBC politicians and activists in fact indulged in appeasement of elites among the minorities who were instrumental in inserting the rider clause. Those who are opposing 4.5 separate quotas in the name of maintaining OBC unity were curiously silent when they were denied reservation in minority educational institutions. The promulgators of separate 4.5 religious quota have taken advantage of ideological crisis in social justice movement that is born of considering Muslim or for that matter any religious minority group as homogenous block without appreciating the fact of caste divisions within them.

18. There is one and only one alternative formula. That is to give separate quota to most backward castes with all OBC Muslims/other minorities included along with their backward caste brothers and sisters within the overall 27 percent OBC quota. Creation of an MBC quota within the overall 27 percent OBC quota is not to create a division within OBC quota or, one may say, OBC unity, but striking a balance within the social justice movement which is poised to result in greater OBC unity. This is vital to ensure synergy among social justice, secularism and democracy. Can India meet the political-economic challenges of 21st century without this synergy?

Ashok Yadav, is an author and is associated with the All India Federation of OBC Employees Welfare Association.

homeless work update

Dear friends of our homeless work in Delhi,

I wanted to give a brief update about our work with homeless destitute persons in Delhi. As you know, we have been working for some years with homeless children, in Delhi and Hyderabad. We have also tried hard to get governments to establish shelters for the homeless, and have been aided a lot by securing Supreme Court orders for homeless shelters in all cities.

But we still felt the need to try to establish shelters which provide a range of necessary services, and with dignity. Our team in Hyderabad showed the way to us, with a men’s shelter which was a place for safety and recovery, but most of all it was a happy and dignified place. It established standards for us to aspire. With winter coming in, we decided to take the leap in Delhi as well – as usual rashly with almost no money and a highly overworked team. However, the team worked hard many nights with cheer, and all of you came forward with support.

Since this is a shared campaign, I just thought I would send a brief note about where we are and what are the proposed next steps.

1.      Shelters: We have been able to start one shelter for women and one for homeless children in Jama Masjid; one shelter for destitute working men and one for hard drug users in Yamuna Pushta, and one working men’s shelter in Roshanara. The work with destitute men and youth with hard drugs is particularly challenging, both professionally and emotionally. We tried (and continue trying) to get a permanent shelter for women in Nizamuddin, but not successful so far. The structures designed by the MNGO led by Dr Amod are a great advance over the canvas shelters of the past. They look decent and clean, and are fire-resistant. There are however teething problems, such as for safe electricity connections for better light and TV, and roofs which still leak and seep even dew. We are trying to create some recreational services as well. Any ideas are welcome.

2.      Architectural inputs: Amit helped us put up an inexpensive platform for our langar, and bamboo stores where homeless people can lock up their belongings (one of their highest felt needs). We need to improve the roof of the structures, find safe electricity connection systems, and prepare to insulate the walls better before summer approaches. Can Microhomes help? The shelters need toilets, water sources, bathing spaces, a staff and heath room, and store. Also if we can find funding, we will try to upgrade the buildings into semi-permanent structures. Again architectural inputs would be most welcome.

3.      Aman Langar: We are serving with the help of donors like Amiteshwar and Indira Jaising one cooked meal each daily to about 300 destitute persons daily at out shelters at Jama Masjid and Yamuna Pushta. We will need recurring support for the langars, and wish to serve at least 500 persons daily. In the short run, we are purchasing the food from a women’s cooperative Stree Shakti. Tony Sai will help contribute also to the cooked food. Our effort at this stage is mainly to serve the food with dignity, in the Sikh langar style. We like it if volunteers, staff and visitors eat alongside.

4.      Food Production Systems:  Rashmi Singh, Director of the National Women’s Empowerment Mission, GOI, has agreed to develop this as a pilot effort, to see how this can be a model for livelihood support for destitute urban women. Raju Shete and Ritu Dalmia have kindly agreed to help us build food production systems for these langars, with qualities of nutrition, replicability, affordability, and seeking to provide livelihoods for homeless and destitute women’s collectives. We should plan together to get this off the ground in the next 2-3 months.

5.      Street Medicine: Our on-going street medicine programme is set to reach its next stage, with support of AMPI and Helpage India. We will have a mobile rescue van which will do rescue work evenings and nights among homeless populations. We already have an average of 2 rescues every night, but this should grow. We will also have health clinics in 3 locations very week on the streets for homeless people. Tony Sai may help provide medicines in kind. Sharan has tied up with us for hard drug users who are destitute, and we hope to tie up long-term with IBHAS, for which Director Nimesh Desai is in agreement. Vandana Prasad is guiding Anwar and team, and we hope T. Sundararaman will also come in after March.    

6.      Blankets and Warm Clothes: Goonj has helped greatly with the supply of blankets and warm clothes. There have been generous donations of blankets and warm clothes from friends. These have gone first to the persons in the shelters, and then by our mobile units on the streets. Ark helped with distributing in Mehrauli area.

7.      Volunteers: An important part of this process is the engagement of young volunteers. We are proud of the role played by some of our older boys from Ummeed, who are model volunteers both in the shelters and rescue work, cheerful, dedicated and respectful to our homeless guests. There are also a few college and young working volunteers, to oversee the shelters and serve at the aman langars, very welcome; but we hope that there are more volunteers who commit to long-term engagement for this, like they do in our children’s Homes.   

8.      Research: We have begun a process of intensive engagement with the destitute persons in these locations by a CES team of researchers, who will over coming months spend much time with the destitute persons, trying to understand their situation, state response, and their aspirations.

9.      Public sensitization: We see this also as an opportunity for public sensitization, especially of the middle class, about destitution and homelessness around them. For this, our partner is NDTV. Sutapa and Radhika have brought out a series of moving news clips. The link to the latest one is below:   

http://www.ndtv.com/article/cities/delhi-s-homeless-continue-to-live-in-fear-164168

NDTV coverage

We will welcome further suggestions. Also will keep up further updates, in what is a very small adventure in caring.

Warm regards,

Harsh

Langar System

Dear Harshji , This is a good example for many of us to reach out to the most marginalized section of our society in Delhi. There have been a lot of change to address problems of homeless and it is still improving with active and innovative ideas of Aman. It gives immense pleasure to read the brief but detail report on homeless initiatives. I would like to add some points to Aman Langar initiative. Ark is working on it (langar) in Mehrauli but with no positive development. I would like to share it with you so that you can guide Ark. We believe in happy and dignified life and that is why we are trying to influence people in Dargah Sharif (Dargah of Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki RA, Mehrauli) to distribute the langar properly. The Dargah distributes two meals (one before Zuhar Namaz for lunch and other before Maghrib Namaz for dinner). Some of the visitors at Dargah also distribute meals etc. The problem here is not with the quality of food but the system of distribution- it compromises with dignity of people receiving the langar. It is painful to see them (both male & female) standing in a Q with plates in their hands. Some of them even don’t have plate so they carry polythene bags (may be picked up from the street) to collect the langar. In the Q,, most of them push each other to reach at the distributing counter before others. Historically speaking, the langar was started in the Khankah of Baba Farid with the aim to provide food and shelter to those coming to his khankah. The dignity of the people coming for langar was very important. Its important can be seen at Khankah of N. Auliya. One of the sons of Sultan Aluddin Khalji served in Langar Khana of the Khankah of Hz. Nizamuddin Auliya. Most of the Dargahs still distribute langar but the aim has been changed- earlier it aimed to please visitors but now it has been changed to please the saint or Allah. And in the process the very purpose of langar is diluted/ or lost. It will be really good if we can come out with a system which people at Dargah can implement. The major problem with them is that they don’t want any interference. They think, they know the best and they are following the best practice & system. We need to break this notion- that they are following the best system. Thanks and regards, Shaheen